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After the Sunflower: Network Mobilization New Democratic Movement Exhibition


Time: 25/10 (Mon)-31/10 (Sun) 08:30-18:00

Location: Yinyu Coffee, No. 7, Hansheng East Road, Banqiao District, New Taipei City

With the popularization of the Internet, many new network technologies have begun to be applied in social movements. A more notable example in recent years is the 2008 Wild Strawberry Student Movement that used online forums to convene masses. The application of the Internet in social movements has completely changed social movements Mobilization structure and organizational form. Some people think that social movements dominated by the Internet are the general trend of the future, while others point out that social movements mobilized by the Internet have developed a relatively loose organizational form, which makes it difficult to provide long-term centripetal force for the organization and achieve the organization's demands.

However, the application of the Internet in social movements is still a new phenomenon. This exhibition brings together scholars at home and abroad to compare the forms of social movements in the past and analyze the democratic movements in Asia in recent years, showing the form of Internet mobilization for democratic movements.


The democratic movement is generally studied and discussed in the field of sociology. It is not easy to explain the new democratic movement through exhibitions. The meaning of the new democratic movement is that many novel technologies are used in the movement. These technologies generally have instant encrypted communication software. and online forums, the application of new technologies has completely changed the mobilization methods and organizational forms of the democratic movement in the past two decades. As early as in the Wild Strawberry Movement in 2008, the initiators used the Internet platform alone to call for hundreds of people Participation, but the new type of democratic movement has not yet matured in modern sociological research. Fortunately, there are quite a few scholars in China who have conducted relevant research and provided a solid document foundation for the exhibition. Among them, Chinese scholars include National Taiwan University Professor He Mingxiu of the Department of Sociology, Xiao Yuan, a doctoral candidate in sociology at the University of Washington, and so on.


In order to allow visitors to understand the characteristics of the new democratic movement, the content of the exhibition focuses on the differences between the old and new democratic movements, the democratic movements in Asian countries in recent years, the characteristics of the mobilization methods and organizational forms of the new democratic movements, and so on. A total of 18 panels were produced for the exhibition, and the contents of the panels included text and photos. Brief videos about the democratic movements in various countries were played at the same time. In addition, books related to the democratic movements were placed on-site for participants to learn more about the origin and development of the democratic movements in various countries.

Sponsor: Taiwan-Hong Kong International Research Center, National Sun Yat-sen University

Sponsor: Taiwan Democracy Foundation Yinyu Coffee

Symposium on "Talks of Generations, Social Movements in Different Ages"

Time: 29/10 (Fri) 19:00

Location: Yinyu Coffee, No. 7, Hansheng East Road, Banqiao District, New Taipei City

Guests: Mr. Zhen Shengang, former chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association, students from Myanmar in Taiwan

This symposium is honored to invite Mr. Zhen, a senior who participated in the "University Magazine" movement, and a Burmese student who is currently carrying out international initiatives in Taiwan to share and exchange experiences in social movements in different ages.

[Postscript of the symposium "Talks of Generations, Social Movements in Different Era"]


In the bustling city, on Friday night in Taipei, Yinyu Coffee gathered a group of friends who care about social movements, and listened to Mr. Zhen Shengang, former chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association, who participated in the "University Magazine" movement in Taiwan, and Burmese students who are currently conducting international initiatives in Taiwan , to share and exchange social movement experiences of different ages.


Mr. Zhen Shengang brought us a positive and clear opening. He pointed out that the student movement, no matter from any point of view, is an important key to social change, because young people are idealists, and they use their ideals to fight against the darkness of reality. Be the vanguard of social progress.


After the Second World War, a new situation was brought to the world. We can see two types of student movements. The first type is the student movement produced in a liberal and democratic society, which appears every 20 years or so, for example American student movement in the 1960s. The second type is student movements that appear in authoritarian and totalitarian societies, almost every 35 to 45 years, such as the 1989 Tiananmen incident in China, the 1980 Kwangju incident in South Korea, and the 1990 Taiwan Wild Lily student movement. Taiwan is relatively special. Before the Wild Lily Student Movement, there have been different social movement incidents in succession.


Looking back at many movements, the Wild Lily Student Movement in Taiwan has a special reference role. Mr. Zhen pointed out that it is very difficult for social movements to achieve overall success. For example, the student movements in the United States in the 1960s and Paris in France in 1968 also failed. They did not achieve overall success and promoted social reform. This is the case in Hong Kong, Thailand, and Myanmar today. The ones that can be said to be more successful are Taiwan and South Korea.


At the beginning of Taiwan's social movement, due to the authoritarian society, military rule, and the "Temporary Provisions for Mobilization and Anti-Rebellion Period", the struggle movement from "no" to "yes" was driven by two kinds of people. Intellectuals like professors, teachers, and, to a lesser extent, students, host University Magazine. Fundraising was not as easy as it is now, it was very difficult. In the 1970s, "University Magazine" couldn't continue to run, and then "Taiwan Politics" appeared, and then it became "Former Island Magazine". On December 10, 1979, "Former Island Magazine" held a mass meeting in Kaohsiung City to commemorate World Human Rights Day, which triggered the "Former Island Incident" and became the vanguard of Taiwan's democratic movement and the Nouri Student Movement.


How did Taiwan transform from authoritarian rule to today's democratic and free society? Perhaps there are still many problems in Taiwanese society today, but no single force can reverse Taiwan's democratic system and free way of life. Mr. Zhen is one of the participants in this democratic process. He said that the coup in South Korea in 1979 affected Taiwan. Everyone would wonder what would happen if Taiwan had a similar situation? Facing the "Former Island Incident", Chiang Ching-kuo ordered not to kill anyone. Mr. Zhen told everyone that there are many discussions nowadays about who was the former informant of the Kuomintang, but have you ever thought about who provided lawyers for those who were arrested? Most of the lawyers for these arrested persons were from the list of lawyers provided by the KMT. These defense lawyers took over the context of the "Former Island incident" and came out to promote democracy. However, Mr. Zhen guessed that these people may have been arranged by the Kuomintang in Taiwan. The Kuomintang, under pressure from the United States, knew that Taiwan would change, but was afraid of reprisals. Therefore, it had to create a group of people it trusted to be the opposition party.


During the June 4th incident in 1989, Taiwanese felt that the Chinese had the same roots, and their suffering was our suffering. The "Formula Island Incident" fought for freedom, but there was no democracy. This time Taiwan fought for democracy during the Nouri Student Movement in 1990. At that time, no one knew what was going to happen, whether there would be another Tiananmen Square or February 28th? Lee Teng-hui and James Soong decided to hold a state affairs meeting to let everyone discuss how Taiwan will go on. Mr. Zhen said that Taiwan's democratic movement is not only due to the contribution of the DPP, but also the Kuomintang. I am afraid that it is not enough to rely on the protesters alone. Only when the protesters become revolutionaries, move the authorities and move the people, Only when everyone feels that they need to change will they be successful.


Looking at Hong Kong on the other hand, we won the support of the people and quickly reached the fundraising target. However, the pro-communist government chose to suppress Hong Kong people. China can send the People's Liberation Army down at any time, and it is not easy to succeed. Therefore, Mr. Zhen said, we must know what to advance and retreat, and not make unnecessary sacrifices. In this context, all parties in the democratic movement are united, and Taiwan is the most exemplary representative.


Next, students from Myanmar explained to us the latest situation of social movements in Myanmar. He agrees with Mr. Zhen that if

If even young people do not participate in social movements, how can there be any change in society? However, young people participating in


Being able to exercise often affects one's ideal pursuit and pays a lot of price. They are willing to join social movements precisely for the ideal of reforming the country.


Myanmar On February 1, 2020, the Myanmar National Defense Forces overthrew the National League for Democracy government that had won elections in the 2020 Myanmar parliamentary elections, sparking nationwide demonstrations against a military coup. Burmese people at home and abroad are very angry at this terrorist force. Unlike Taiwan, where one person votes for the president, Myanmar has a democratic system, but it has begun to show signs of improvement, and young people are full of imagination for the future. But the military government has destroyed the dreams of young people. Many organizations in and outside of Myanmar are spontaneous. Today this street and tomorrow's alley will respond to all calls and initiate actions against the government on their own.


The Taiwan Solidarity with Myanmar parade organized by overseas students from Myanmar was held for the first time on Yulin Avenue of National Taiwan University on the 228 anniversary. Burmese students held several parades in Taiwan, with 5,000 to 6,000 people participating each time. On March 28, the Myanmar Overseas Student Organization held solidarity marches in many countries and cities around the world. Locally in Myanmar, the soldiers are very cruel and bloody against the people who are fighting. The solidarity of overseas comrades is very important to them, letting them know that the world is supporting the people of Myanmar.


Myanmar currently has two governments, a parallel government formed by Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, which includes more than one member of the coalition, and a military government. Myanmar has two representations at the United Nations, one for the military and one for the parallel government. Burmese people launched a civil servant strike action to raise funds overseas for civil servants. The collective strike lasted for two months. However, due to insufficient funds and difficulties in survival, some civil servants went back to work one after another.


Taiwan regards Burmese as Chinese, and most other countries regard Burmese as Burmese. Many overseas Burmese of the older generation are more pro-China and consider themselves Chinese and mainlanders. Like the Burmese speaker, the third-generation Burmese are different. They identify themselves as Burmese and are willing to contribute to Myanmar. This complex Chinese identity in Southeast Asia has affected the unity of Myanmar's overseas social movements.


There are more than 130 ethnic groups, of which the 7 major ethnic groups each have a provincial army. They act according to the direction of the wind, depending on whether they have realistic interests. It is quite difficult for different ethnic groups in Myanmar to understand each other. Myanmar currently has established the People's Defense Force (PDF), which is formed independently by the people, and currently requires financial support. The speaker from Myanmar mentioned that before the success of the People's Defense Army, it must be calm and not act rashly, because many frontline people have already been locked up. The parallel government in Myanmar needs more international support, and the goal of democracy and freedom can be achieved when the provincial army, the parallel government, and the people understand each other.


Under the epidemic situation in Myanmar, the large-scale demonstrations of the people were subdued. Originally, the protest in Myanmar was in full swing. On February 2, millions of people marched. It is believed that as long as the large-scale demonstration continues, it will bring about changes, but it was temporarily suspended due to the epidemic. The current resistance activities in Myanmar are full-scale strikes by teachers, students, and some civil servants. In some invisible places, there are other forms of pressure on the military government. The International Overseas Myanmar Organization regularly meets with Burmese protesters, firstly to learn about their safety, and secondly to provide assistance as much as possible. Every month, a global meeting is held to discuss matters and encourage each other.


Will Myanmar become the second Afghanistan? Many Burmese people worry about this issue. Under the rule of the military government, Myanmar's education, finances, and medical care have all declined sharply. Especially in the era of the epidemic, the people of Myanmar can only


The only way to buy vaccines is to buy them from China. Burmese protesters are thinking that if the Burmese revolution goes to real guns and wars for several years, Burma may become another Afghanistan. The parallel government has just been established, and it is difficult to have a strong army, enough to solve the military government.


In response, Mr. Zhen pointed out that the struggles in Myanmar and Hong Kong cannot be compared. Myanmar seems to be more difficult than Hong Kong, but in fact it is more hopeful than Hong Kong. At least there is a parallel government that can have the opportunity to win the support of the provincial army and overthrow the military government. He suggested that the people of Myanmar can use the Internet more to publicize the situation in Myanmar to the world and win international support for the parallel government. In addition, Myanmar can also establish a cross-border democratic freedom alliance through the Internet, and support each other with the common goal of democracy and freedom.


The host Kong Dewei asked, in the past ten years of protests, everyone has a mobile phone and can communicate with each other through the Internet, so how did the previous protests connect with each other? Mr. Zhen replied that the previous wild lily student movement and the Formosa incident were all fought alone, unlike today's Hong Kong that can attract attention from all over the world.


The audience said that the Hong Kong media was silenced due to the high pressure from the government. They were curious about the situation of the news media in Myanmar? Students from Myanmar responded that most journalists in Myanmar are not paid, and they report independently and disseminate through social media such as FB. Myanmar media reporters do not regard news as a commercial activity, but stick to the truth. The first-line information is shared with the international community through Myanmar's overseas organizations. The struggle in Myanmar has not received as much international attention as Hong Kong, and it is necessary to make more connections with fellow travelers in other countries and cities.


Some viewers were curious, whether the two speakers were opposed by their family members when they joined the social movement? The Burmese speaker first shared that as the only child in his family, he came to Taiwan to study, and his parents objected to him participating in such a dangerous thing. Because he participated in the social movement, he was also included in the wanted list in Myanmar. For the safety of his family, he had to ask his family to move to the area of the provincial army, away from the rule of the military government. And as time communicated with each other, the family gradually understood his behavior.


Mr. Zhen recalled that in the past, he studied politics at National Taiwan University and participated in social movements. Because of his status as an overseas Chinese student, the police treated him very politely and did not treat him roughly. Taiwanese secret agents went to Hong Kong to look for his father, and asked his father to tell him not to mess around in Taiwan, so he specially wrote a long letter to scold Mr. Zhen. Fortunately, Mr. Zhen's father was also considerate of him and did not prohibit him from participating in social movements.


In addition, the audience asked the Burmese speakers what their views on the protests in Hong Kong were, and would they have any suggestions for Hong Kong people to refer to? The Burmese speaker participated in Hong Kong’s rally in Taiwan at the beginning, and it was more like watching the excitement, but when the protest broke out in Myanmar, he felt this kind of personal pain, and because of this, he had more in-depth exchanges with the Hong Kong students around him. He believes that Hong Kong is currently facing the biggest evil force in the universe. It should first establish a joint organization with other like-minded allies in the world, exchange and discuss with each other, and attract more friends of different nationalities to enhance the effect of propaganda.


Finally, what can be done for Hong Kong people in Taiwan? Mr. Yan believes that we should "lay flat" and keep the fire. At present, enough people in Hong Kong have been jailed, like many district councilors. On the other hand, don't limit the pursuit of democracy and freedom to one time and one place. As long as everyone is fighting for democracy and freedom, they are brothers who love justice and righteousness. Support each other regardless of borders or regions. Even if Hong Kong has nothing to do for the time being, it can still work hard for democracy and freedom.

"Defending Democracy: The Last Battle Against Extradition" Screening and Post-screening Talk

Time: 30/10 (Sat) 19:00

Location: Yinyu Coffee, No. 7, Hansheng East Road, Banqiao District, New Taipei City

Guest: Dr. Cheng Muk-kwan, Executive Director of the Lee Teng-hui Foundation

The film of the screening will be the documentary "Defending Democracy: The Last Battle in the Anti-Extradition Movement". The film is led by Australian journalist Sophie McNeill, who has long been concerned about human rights issues in Asia, to Hong Kong. Activities, personally going to the front line to do news documentary reports. After the screening, there will be a post-screening talk session, which will be shared by Dr. Cheng Muk-Chun, Executive Director of the Lee Teng-hui Foundation.

In the post-screening talk, Dr. Zheng first shared his fate with Hong Kong. Since Dr. Cheng’s specialty is in the field of religion, he often goes to Hong Kong to participate in academic conferences. He bluntly said that Hong Kong is a piece of meat in his heart. God, it makes him feel the situation of Hong Kong people. Afterwards, Dr. Zheng shared the following problems that Hong Kong people will encounter in the future in response to the phenomenon of Hong Kong people moving to Taiwan, including "How do Hong Kong people who move to Taiwan put forward policy suggestions under the administrative framework of Taiwan", "Investment immigrants from Hong Kong people who come to Taiwan How to deal with the unfamiliar business environment", "The future challenge of Hong Kong people moving to Taiwan to Taiwan's labor market". The post-screening talk also allowed participants to ask questions. Several Hong Kong people who came to Taiwan through investment immigration expressed the practical difficulties Hong Kong people encountered in doing business in Taiwan.

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