Hong Kong has undergone major changes since 2019, changing Hong Kong and its relationship with the world. Although the visibility of events in Hong Kong in the international media has so far been difficult to match the time of frequent conflicts in 2019, changes in Hong Kong have not stopped. From the Hong Kong government's proposal of the "Amendment Bill to the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance" in early 2019 to the adoption by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of China on June 30, 2020 and its inclusion in Annex III of the "Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region" in the form of a national law to implement the "Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China" The National Security Law of the Administrative Region can be said to be a major historical event in Hong Kong. It has not only changed all aspects of the city, but also caused the academic circle to adopt a different understanding and analysis method for Hong Kong than in the past.

 

Although the transformation of Hong Kong was inspired by the contradiction between the amendments and anti-amendments in 2019, today's situation is not purely due to a single incident. Looking back from today's perspective, the drastic changes in Hong Kong actually consisted of a series of events. In the past, the academic circles and the public had many established ways of understanding Hong Kong’s economic forms, social events, and political appeals since the 1950s. However, after 2019, various circles added different perspectives when reviewing Hong Kong’s stories, which made us reconstruct many original memory. This "Changing Perspective and Memory: Hong Kong and Hong Kong Studies since 2019" conference is the first public event of the National Sun Yat-Sen University Center for Taiwan-Hong Kong International Studies, where international scholars share their analysis of changes in Hong Kong and Hong Kong studies in the past two years.

 

Professor Zheng Yushuo opened the group topic of "Trends and Prospects of Hong Kong Studies". The topic was "Academic Environment of Hong Kong Tertiary Institutions Under Political Pressure". He first shared his own experience. There are many advantages to being a professor at the University of Hong Kong. The salary is higher, it is not difficult to apply for research funding, and the opportunities for promotion are clear. Over the past two decades, universities in Hong Kong have attached great importance to international rankings. Professors must have papers published and published, and departments and institutes advertise international rankings, and there is considerable competition. In addition, young professors have to go through many years of contract work before the university will consider hiring them on a "lifetime contract". There is a lot of pressure. Therefore, young professors devote themselves wholeheartedly to their work and find it difficult to spare time to participate in social affairs. Professor Zheng also mentioned that in the past, the government appointed officials and social leaders as members of the boards of directors of various universities, which were politically neutral and mostly for supervision. However, since Leung Chun-ying took office, the government has deliberately appointed people who are pro-government and Beijing-friendly, which has influenced the university's selection of management personnel and appointments, making the university management mainly pro-government. Like now, we will see that the presidents of many universities in Hong Kong have publicly stated their support for the National Security Law. Due to the incorrect political stance of the student union, the Chinese University of Hong Kong canceled the collection of membership fees, including student fees, and even did not provide an office to the student union, suppressing the activities of the student union. Professor Zheng mentioned that many colleagues are most worried about the culture of whistleblowers. Many professors and students are members of the Communist Youth League. They organize activities and hold regular meetings to discuss professors’ political performance and grasp their political positions. Therefore, they face a lot of pressure when they teach, and they are afraid of being denounced by students. Few university professors are willing to criticize the government and participate in public affairs, and there are very few public intellectuals. If the professor cooperates with the pro-government political stance, there are many real benefits, such as being able to apply for domestic research funding, participating in research projects, etc., and gain both fame and fortune. If a professor wants to be in management, he must have a good and correct political performance. Faced with such a predicament, Professor Zheng sent a message to his colleagues in Hong Kong that as long as they do not do bad things or do things that violate their conscience, the world can understand everything else.

 

Professor Chen Zhijie talked about "Prospects of Hong Kong Studies in Taiwan" from the perspective of Taiwan. Professor Chen first gave us a clear "Review of Hong Kong Studies in Taiwan", pointing out that during the authoritarian era of the Cold War, Taiwan had a small amount of research on Hong Kong, which was included in the studies of mainland China. After the lifting of martial law, Hong Kong studies were not taken seriously. . Therefore, the overall results of Taiwan's research on Hong Kong are relatively poor. Professor Chen even believes that there are no scholars in Taiwan who specialize in social science research on Hong Kong, and there are very few social science scholars who regard Hong Kong as a research field, less than five. Professor Chen’s master’s and doctoral dissertations in social sciences in statistics, researching Hong Kong, have only 5 papers since 2018; since 2020, there are 48 journal papers, most of which are policy magazine articles, and only 1 is published in TSSCI-level academic journals . The good news is that this year Taiwan will publish a book on Hong Kong's political and economic development, "China's Influence and the Center-periphery Tug of War", co-written by scholars from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the United States. Going a step further, Professor Chen pointed out that Taiwanese society generally supports and sympathizes with Hong Kong, but there is a big gap with the actual understanding of Hong Kong. The geographical distance is close, but mutual understanding is only in its infancy. Therefore, with regard to "the prospect of Hong Kong studies in Taiwan", Professor Chen believes that since the anti-extradition movement, the interaction between citizens of Taiwan and Hong Kong has increased, the number of Hong Kong scholars and students going to Taiwan has increased, and the flow of people, money, social networks and knowledge in Hong Kong has converged to Taiwan, Taiwan has the advantage of studying Hong Kong. According to the urgency of Hong Kong research, Professor Chen pointed out that "the memory of the anti-extradition movement and the preservation of cultural relics", "research on the positions and actions of all parties in the anti-extradition movement" and "research on the results of the anti-extradition movement" are all very research value, and cited the impact of the National Security Law on Hong Kong’s public governance, the chain effect after the change of the election method for members of the Legislative Council, changes in Hong Kong’s education system at all levels in the era of the National Security Law, exchanges between Hong Kong and Taiwan at all levels, Hong Kong’s Southeast Asia and South Asian social studies, and the adaptation, identity, and political orientation of diaspora Hong Kong people, six research directions, reveal a clear blueprint for Taiwan and Hong Kong studies.

 

After Hong Kong and Taiwan, Japanese professor Toru Kurata discussed "the development after 1997 and the prospect under the National Security Law" with the title "Hong Kong Studies in Japan". Professor Kurata pointed out that "Hong Kong fever" appeared in Japan before the Hong Kong 1997 transitional period. The public paid attention to Hong Kong's tourism, food, movies, etc. Media professionals and economists published books about Hong Kong. There are also many collections of papers published in the academic circles, which shows the strength of Hong Kong studies in Japan and is of high quality. But in Japan after 1997, the society obviously lost interest in Hong Kong, thinking that the Hong Kong issue has been resolved and there is no need to discuss it. However, there are still Japanese scholars who are interested in Hong Kong. With the increase of doctoral degrees in Japan, many Japanese doctoral dissertations focus on Hong Kong studies and are published after adaptation. In 2014, the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong prompted Japanese society to pay attention to Hong Kong again, and many young people in the academic circle joined the ranks of research. In 2019, with the anti-revision movement in Hong Kong, new Japanese academics continue to pay attention to the developments in Hong Kong, and are currently publishing their research results one after another, which can be described as an upsurge in Japanese Hong Kong studies. However, Professor Kurata was worried about Hong Kong’s National Security Law and the changes to the electoral system. He raised four questions. First, whether foreign people will lose access to Hong Kong’s academic information; second, whether Hong Kong can maintain information transparency, and whether Credibility; third, whether Japan can maintain ties with Hong Kong’s academic circles, and whether it will commit the crime of collusion under the National Security Law; fourth, whether Japanese society will lose concern for Hong Kong as the length of the media decreases. Finally, Professor Kurata looked forward to the future and believed that Japan, as one of the bases of Hong Kong research, can cooperate with Taiwan and foreign countries in Hong Kong research, and can also cooperate with Japan in Taiwan research. Learn about the current situation in Hong Kong.

 

Dr. Wilson Chan gave a speech titled "Positive Hong Kong: Reconstructing the Geopolitical Perspective of Hong Kong (Research)". Using "familiar strangers", he described geopolitics as a perspective of social science research and explained the understanding of geopolitics in the media, tradition and academia. respectively. Dr. Chen pointed out that geopolitics in Hong Kong can be described as blank, and few scholars use this perspective to understand the relationship between Hong Kong and the world. Professor Zhang Shaoqiang's "Hong Kong: Geopolitics and Academic Practice" can help us understand Hong Kong's geopolitics. During the Cold War, it was used as an anti-communist tool, the sub-colonial consciousness of Hong Kong's story, and the integration of Hong Kong studies into global studies. There is a crisis of self-destruction . Dr. Chen pointed out that from the perspective of international relations and geopolitics, Hong Kong should be named as a port, which has a unique geographical unit and geopolitical uniqueness, so as to reconstruct the perspective of geopolitics. Ducruet's Port-city relationship, Centrality, Intermediacy, and the politicization of port capabilities can be used as our thinking and research framework. Takeshi Hamashita's "Hong Kong Vision—Asian Network Center" discusses that Hong Kong has a large economic hinterland, complete Hong Kong city capabilities, and diverse Hong Kong city culture. Hong Kong Island, Kowloon Peninsula, and the New Territories each have their own roles and cultural characteristics. In this regard, Dr. Chen discusses the geopolitical perspective of reconstructing Hong Kong politics, including the perspective of geographical interests, Hong Kong is located on the border between empires; the perspective of geo-network, Hong Kong as a port city; the perspective of geo-discourse, the change of Hong Kong's geographical image. This is tantamount to China's complete land power regime against Hong Kong's complete sea power regime, China's incomplete nation-state capabilities, and Hong Kong's incomplete nation-state consciousness. Finally, Dr. Chen hopes that in the future, the application of Hong Kong port research can analyze how Chinese and Western parties compete in Hong Kong in terms of core production capacity and intermediary network. This is a new field that needs to be developed by everyone.

 

In the first half of the session, "Trends and Prospects of Hong Kong Studies" group theme, Dr. Kong Dewei made a final speech on "Infrastructural Projects of Hong Kong Studies: Proposals for the Hong Kong Cultural Collections Project". Dr. Kong mentioned that in the past, few people did Hong Kong studies because they were worried that Hong Kong studies were not a hot topic, which would pose a certain crisis to scholars' personal careers. However, after the Umbrella Movement in 2014 and the Anti-Extradition Movement in 2019, more and more foreign institutions and scholars are studying Hong Kong issues. Dr. Kong said that as the previous two speakers explained, the research on Hong Kong in Japan and Taiwan mainly focuses on the discussion of the political standard, that is, the struggle of Hong Kong's colony to become a democratic base. However, Hong Kong outside of politics is rarely discussed. Therefore, Dr. Kong deliberately searched for research on Hong Kong’s indirect politics, such as the collection of movies, pop songs, TV, and Chinese medicine by the Hong Kong Research Institute of the Education University of Hong Kong; in the Umbrella Movement database of Hong Kong Studies Initiatives, University of British Columbia, 50 to Collection of pictures in the 1960s; Hong Kong History Project, University of Bristol, involving the collection of people and daily life materials. Dr. Kong believes that the politicization of research approaches is reasonable. For example, the topics of international academic seminars on the 230th anniversary of the French Revolution and the 100th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement were still mostly about politics. However, Dr. Kong pointed out that if Hong Kong is simply reduced to a political movement venue, it will ignore the multiculturalism of Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Cultural Collection Project focuses on what Professor Wang Fansen said is "the most common documents that are not valued and are most likely to be lost", such as the way of betting on horses in the Jockey Club, the sales of massage services, etc. The Hong Kong Cultural Collection Project, the preliminary work includes oral histories, such as "Ziwei Doushu: Inheritance of Hong Kong", "Thai Cuisine: Interpretation of Thai Hong Kong People", etc., recording non-Chinese groups, intangible cultural heritage, minority religions, and regional memory. On the other hand, it also studies how foreign countries record Hong Kong in newspapers and library. In conclusion, Dr. Kong emphasized that Hong Kong studies should move towards diversity, not only politics and finance, and the Hong Kong Cultural Collection Project is the foundation for these studies, allowing scholars to have more reference materials.

 

The group theme for the second half was "Hong Kong's Current Situation and Imagination", with Professor Xu Tianbo's "Why did Hong Kong analysts fail to see the coming of the Tiananmen-like crackdown?" At the beginning, I shared my concern for the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong, and the sadness of seeing the news every morning since the anti-extradition movement broke out in 2019. To this day, Professor Xu has been thinking, why have we not seen that Hong Kong will fall into such a situation and become a "police state" (Police state)? What exactly hindered our vision? Professor Xu kept asking questions during his discussion. He believed that at that time, many people believed that Hong Kong had an international status and had substantial benefits for China, and that it would not go to the worst situation. However, Professor Xu said that although Hong Kong today is not like Xinjiang, it is not far away. We have not seen that China is willing to make efforts to solve the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong, so tough. We have also not seen that China uses economic power to prevent other democratic countries from interfering in Hong Kong affairs. Professor Xu even traced back to Hong Kong’s democratic mobilization during the Tiananmen Movement in 1989. He believed that at that time China had regarded Hong Kong as an existential threat. Until 2019, it did not hesitate to use everything to solve the national crisis. In the end, Professor Xu said that the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong may have failed, but it let the world see the true face of the Chinese regime and refocus on China's human rights situation. As long as we never give up, the future will always be bright.

 

After that, Professor Wu Ruiren brought us "Quasi-state, colony, or fully incorporated region? Reconsidering the status of Hong Kong as an unit of political analysis" ) topic. Professor Wu started by asking a question from the sociology of knowledge, a fundamental question in Hong Kong studies: what is Hong Kong? As a research object of social science, can Hong Kong constitute a self-sufficient social phenomenon? From the perspective of social and humanities, if this question is not properly answered, the research institutes will come to different conclusions. For example, in political science, is Hong Kong an independent, dependent territory, an intermediary of international condominium, or a territory under the sovereignty of China? In history, does Hong Kong belong to national history or regional history? Sociologically, is Hong Kong an autonomous society or a regional society? In terms of economics, is Hong Kong its own economic entity, or is it a part of the Chinese economy? As far as literature is concerned, Hong Kong literature is independent. Is it local Chinese literature or colonial literature? Should Hong Kong be an alternative to China in anthropology? For all these kinds of things, the academia has always remained indifferent and has an ambiguous attitude. This is due to the fact that Hong Kong has always been in an intermediate position. Professor Wu explained that there are no absolute answers to these questions, and various answers can be obtained from different standpoints and perspectives. Professor Wu provides his answer from his own professional "comparative democracy" and "comparative colonialism" for our reference. From the perspective of "comparative colonialism", Hong Kong is a very special British colony with high autonomy. However, because the British did not want to offend China, they did not fully democratize Hong Kong. Britain does not directly rule Hong Kong, it is managed by a governor, and the administration is neutral. It was not until the 1980s that the overdue democratization was carried out in Hong Kong. This process was not completed, and it was handed over to Chinese rule. China regards Hong Kong as a functional territory, a financial colony, assisting the internationalization of the Chinese economy and playing a role in money laundering. Hong Kong's financial capitalism, real estate speculation, is a common single form of colonial economy, purely to serve China. The one country, two systems in Hong Kong is an asymmetrical federal system. Beijing uses local capitalists and bureaucrats in Hong Kong to rule Hong Kong indirectly, governing Hong Kong with Hong Kong, and gradually integrates into China. Like the Greater Bay Area, move the technology industry to Shenzhen. China implements a single immigration policy for Hong Kong to assimilate the population of Hong Kong. China wants to assimilate Hong Kong, but still maintain a certain degree of international financial functions. As for "comparative democracy", Hong Kong has formed a certain community from the quasi-state system ruled by the British, and the various conflicts in the post-Chinese rule of Hong Kong have contributed to Hong Kong nationalism. Hong Kong's "one country, two systems" failed. Instead, it inspired a strong mobilization in Hong Kong to resist the central government's invasion. Professor Wu mentioned that Hong Kong is under the National Security Law, and Beijing wants Hong Kong to maintain its financial functions, but in fact, international financial links have become weak, autonomy has shrunk to a high degree, and Hong Kong is ruled by loyal waste. What is Hong Kong? Political struggles will keep the answer to this question in flux. The key lies in how Hong Kong people perceive and imagine Hong Kong. Professor Wu borrowed Hegel's words: "The owl of Minerva will not take off until dusk comes." Hong Kong studies will be changed according to Hong Kong people.

 

Professor Xing Fuzeng, from the major of religious studies, discussed the topic of "The Continuation and Disruption of the Relationship between the State and the Church in Hong Kong". Professor Xing mainly talked about the history of religion in China and Hong Kong, and analyzed the political and religious challenges facing Hong Kong in the future from four dimensions, namely "government and religion", "government and religious groups", "religious groups and politics" and "religion and religion". politics". China's influence on Hong Kong's religion began as early as 1984, when China and Britain signed a joint declaration, and until the transition period before 1997, it has had an impact. This influence has gradually increased after 1997, and 2003 and 2019 are two important key points. "Government and Religion", Professor Xing talked about how China's religious views will affect the relationship between the state and the church in Hong Kong: China has changed from "religion is the opium of the people" in the past to gradually changing after the reform and opening up, from negative to positive. However, in recent years, China has emphasized awareness form, prevent religious infiltration, and do not allow "a place outside the law, a person outside the law, or a religion outside the law." Religion must be placed within the norms of the law. Hong Kong used to view religion very positively, but now it has become negative. In the past two years, public opinion has begun to talk about the negative effects of religion. Leftists will criticize religious groups for supporting popular protests, which means supporting riots, especially against Christianity and Catholicism. "Government and religious groups" shows that the Chinese government leads religious groups to obey, unite religions, patriotic religious groups emerge, and implement rule by law. In Hong Kong, religion has always been a partnership between education and society. In 2007, Carrie Lam’s electoral views stated that she would study the establishment of a religious affairs group under the Home Affairs Bureau, but it was withdrawn due to opposition from the diocese. Will there be a patriotic group in Hong Kong in the future? Generally speaking, strengthening patriotic education in Hong Kong must be a religious challenge. "Religious groups and politics", China has always advocated the separation of church and state. Religion is a private activity and should not be politicized. Religious organizations must cooperate with the government. Religion must be sinicized and its teachings interpreted in terms of "progress of the times". From this point of view, will the public role of Hong Kong religion in civil society be de-publicized and re-privatized in the future? "Religion and politics", China insists that religion must be politically correct, and operate in accordance with political awareness, political rules, political direction, and political responsibility. Simply put, those who do not support the government are opposed. According to this reality, can the politics of religious groups in Hong Kong still maintain neutrality? In the end, Professor Xing concluded that after 1997, China and Hong Kong continued their partnership under the Basic Law, but can religious groups in Hong Kong really maintain this relationship, or do they obey Chinese politics? We have all seen that Hong Kong religious groups will face more and more challenges in the future in terms of ideology, national security, and social control.

 

From the perspective of international relations, Professor Shen Xuhui put forward the topic of "Remapping Hong Kong in the global context" (remapping Hong Kong's position in the context of international relations), thinking about what role international relations research can play at this moment. Professor Shen recounted the past six perspectives on how international relations view Hong Kong, namely "Imperial perspective", "Dynastic perspective", "Patriotic perspective" and "Indigenous perspective". Nativist perspective, Post-colonial perspective and Realist perspective. The "imperialist view", the traditional imperial argument, refers to the fact that Britain opened up Hong Kong (Opened Hong Kong), made Hong Kong a free port, and gave the soul of liberalism. The Korean War was the key to the transition, with the United States replacing Britain's role as the protector of liberalism. Hong Kong became an informal colony (Informal Colony), and the US dollar circulated, which constituted the static hegemony (Silent Hegemony) of the Cold War era in Hong Kong. U.S. policy recognizes Hong Kong as a non-sovereign entity, granting it special status. However, this point of view is difficult to apply to the lives of ordinary Hong Kong people, and it is difficult to represent Hong Kong as a whole. "Dynasty view" points out that Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China, Hong Kong has no context of its own, and Hong Kong is good if China is good. From China's point of view, however, this is flawed. For example, the interaction between Hong Kong and the Guangdong warlord Chen Jiongtong in the past, and the active role of the third force in Hong Kong during the civil war between the KMT and the Communist Party, it is difficult to understand it simply from a top-down framework. The "patriotism point of view", that is, the position dominates and goes first. The United States is the bad guy who invaded China and promoted the color revolution in Hong Kong. This kind of argument has become the mainstream view in China. The social movements in Hong Kong in 2003, 2014, and 2019 were all dominated by American forces. "Nativist Viewpoint", Nativism In the past ten years, many young scholars have actively used different discourses to construct the identity of Hong Kong people, but the United States still has no clear role definition. For example, in the 19th century, Hong Kong developed rapidly for the first time in 1851, which was related to the "gold rush" in California. Many Chinese traveled to the United States via Hong Kong to form a pan-Pacific network. It is important in Hong Kong's local history, but few people talk about it. In addition, how should we view Donald Trump's attitude towards Hong Kong? Hong Kong people have very different opinions on him, and it seems that it will take a lot of work to put it into the local historical view of Hong Kong. "Post-colonial perspective", many Hong Kong liberal predecessors cannot accept China, but at the same time resist the British colonialism in the past. From a postcolonial perspective, what is the role of the United States? Many systems that worked well in the past have been changed after the National Security Law. The key depends on whether the United States agrees with Hong Kong's system. Is this also part of post-colonialism? In the past, we would only look at the post-colonial influence from a distance, but in fact everything is very personal. From a "realistic point of view", Hong Kong was one of the world's three major espionage centers during the Cold War, and it was also an important information center before the Cold War. However, there are many contradictions and conflicts in major countries. It is not possible to understand the confrontation and disputes between various countries in Hong Kong from the perspective of an information center. Now that China and the United States are struggling, does it mean that Hong Kong can no longer go back? It also seems to fail to assert. Professor Shen finally put forward the "Portal perspective" (Portal perspective), which is relatively realistic. Hong Kong is not an independent country, but it is very different from mainland China. There is no obvious top-down control. Instead, it is a "free port" with a bottom-up framework, which is relatively close. Free ports, colonies, indirect rule, etc. Hong Kong is not opposed to any organization, and it tolerates various contradictions such as liberalism, Chineseness, reality and ideals. This is the identity of Hong Kong people, and it is worth re-understanding and researching from this point of view.

 

Professor He Mingxiu gave a lecture, "Taiwan's Anti-Extradition Movement", observing the anti-extradition movement in Taiwan from the perspective of Taiwan. Professor Ho pointed out that the forces involved in the anti-extradition movement in Taiwan are mainly civilians, not in the government, and the situation is different from the overseas community in Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement. Hong Kong and Taiwan are geographically close, and there are many Hong Kong people in Taiwan. They donate supplies and fly back to Hong Kong to protest. At the same time, many related articles are published in Taiwan publications, which shows that Taiwan is an important overseas base for Hong Kong. Professor Ho tried to answer a question: who in Taiwan supported the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong? He counted 95 events held in Taiwan in the seven months since the anti-extradition movement began, such as the Hong Kong students’ economic and trade protest on June 9, the Presbyterian Church’s “Anti-extradition on the Whitsunday”, “I protested at XX University Send China”; on June 16, nearly 10,000 people participated in the “Support Hong Kong, Oppose to Send China” in front of the Legislative Yuan; on September 29, more than 70,000 people participated in the “Support Hong Kong Anti-Totalitarian” parade in Taipei, which was held separately in Tainan and Kaohsiung; January The gathering of Hong Kong people on the night before Tsai Ing-wen's election on the 10th shows that whether she is elected or not is of great importance to Hong Kong people in Taiwan. Widespread support across Taiwan, some Taiwanese understand this as a bit like the issue of same-sex marriage, and think that it is not very political. Of the 75 events, Taiwan hosted 49, Hong Kong 19, and co-organized 26, and 1 event could not be determined. Professor Ho explained that Hong Kong people's obstacles to action include unfamiliarity with Taiwan's laws, conservative old hometown associations, weak ties with recent immigrants, inability to operate Hong Kong and Macau associations in schools, and anti-"ghost" mentality. The organizing groups for these activities are mainly students, followed by civic groups, followed by political groups, and churches are the last. In terms of political party election considerations, the DPP is playing the Hong Kong card, while some Hong Kong people remain neutral, and many people participated in the November 12 strike against South Korea. In the low tide of Sunflower and anti-curriculum, the anti-extradition movement led to the re-start of the Taiwan student movement, the regrouping of civic groups, the cross-border support of churches and beliefs, the continuation of the Sunflower movement lawyers, providing legal advice for Hong Kong people . Finally, He Education raised a few questions. After the mutual economic and trade offices between the two places disappeared, how to communicate? Taiwan's political asylum, what are the rights and interests of Hong Kong people? In the future, are Taiwanese prepared to accept immigrants and refugees from Hong Kong? These are worthy of our observation and study.

 

Finally, an anonymous speaker raised the topic of "Entering the end of de-institutionalization and de-moralization: the controversy over the history subject of the 2020 Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination". -In the past 45 years, Japan has brought more advantages to China than disadvantages" is an open-ended question. The reference notes for marking can answer more advantages than disadvantages, or more disadvantages than advantages. Historical materials are used as guides, and students can answer freely. The speaker pointed out that Hong Kong history subjects had similar topics before. On the day before the exam, the pro-media in Beijing targeted Dr. Yang Runxiong, a senior executive of the Examination Bureau, and criticized the unfairness of the question, and later published his appearance on the front page of Ta Kung Pao, accusing him of spreading poison. The Bureau of Education stated that the test questions tended to be single, with biased guidance, which hurt the feelings and dignity of Chinese people. The Examinations and Assessment Bureau issued an apology, which is very regrettable. After May, the Examinations Bureau criticized the questions, the materials were unbalanced, and the wording was misleading to a single answer, and reviewed whether such sensitive content was allowed to be set as a question. The speaker pointed out that the mobilization of the pro-Beijing media, the Education Bureau sending people to the Examination and Evaluation Bureau to set up a bureau, and the Examination and Evaluation Bureau taking care of the education profession, etc. are all situations where there is no balance of power and supervision. This incident reflects the de-institutionalization and de-moralization of Hong Kong. The situation cannot be reversed, cannot be controlled, and is fatal.

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Record: Yuan Renjian